Parks in Mexico City: A Reflection of the City's Historical, Political, and Social Change and of Its Inhabitants

Introduction

The changes undergone by Mexico City's public parks are a reflection of the complex transformation the city has experienced over time. These changes have been driven by new forms of government and their conflicts, by advances in scientific and philosophical thought, and by social transformations. The city has grown from the roughly 400,000 inhabitants who lived here when the Spanish arrived to the nearly 21.9 million of us who today face the challenge of living in this, the most transparent region.

At first glance, public parks are the last example one thinks of when considering the changes in Mexico City. A quick look at its demographic transition or its economic activities might yield a more fruitful understanding of the wounds that left the scars on its urban fabric. After all, changes happen first in people's minds—people motivated to transform their surroundings—rather than in public spaces.

Nevertheless, places like the Vatican in Rome and the great pyramids of Giza show that, although some sites remain the same for many centuries, they are not exempt from the influence of historical transformations. In a similar way, Mexico City's public parks reflect significant changes in how they have been perceived and planned over time—this is the central idea we will explore in this work.

Historical Development

Nature and public spaces have been present in Mexico since those Aztec gardens that so enchanted the Spanish when they arrived at the city of the lakes. Yet urban parks did not take shape until the sixteenth century.

In England, urban parks were private "green spaces" within cities, and later evolved into accessible public parks. These spaces were characterized by their naturalistic design, focused on creating pastoral and bucolic landscapes that offered an escape from the urban bustle.

In France, by contrast, sixteenth-century urban parks drew on formalism and grandeur. The Luxembourg Garden in Paris, created in 1612, is a classic example of this approach.

These spaces were characterized by their rigorous, ornamental design, with carefully trimmed parterres, tree-lined avenues, and monumental fountains. French gardens were a reflection of power and influence, designed not only for public enjoyment but also to demonstrate control and order.

These varied approaches to the design of urban parks influenced the concept and function of public spaces throughout the Western world, including Mexico.

La Alameda, established in 1592 as a celebration of the Spanish conquest, is one of the first parks in Mexico City. Inspired by the Alameda de Hércules in Seville, Spain, it served as a space for the leisure of the aristocracy, designed with these European principles of nature and civility. La Alameda transcended its recreational power and expressed the distinction between classes and the social order in Mexico—a recurring theme in the structuring of Mexican parks (Martínez 2020).

This perception of parks remained consistent in Mexico until the era of the Porfiriato, which we will discuss later. Meanwhile, there were shifts in ways of thinking in other regions of the world that also brought about transformations in how parks and the city itself were envisioned. The Industrial Revolution led to a transformation in Europe and America, endowing large cities with services such as drainage, potable water supply, and systems of green areas, as can be seen in the work of Frederick Law Olmsted in the United States (Flores, 2019).

With the rapid movement from rural areas to urban ones, cities became saturated and chaos was constant. Governments saw the parks created in this era as a means of social control over the working class through the imposition of norms and values. Their theory was that, if they promoted green spaces, the working class would want to take part in morally correct recreation instead of turning to more provocative activities such as public protest or drinking in bars and taverns. The design of the parks often reflected this control, promoting passive recreation—walking—rather than organized or individual activities that might be more disruptive (Flores, 2019).

These ideas of transformation reach Mexico during the Porfiriato, in which urban planning underwent a significant change in the form and function of public space. The period witnessed a shift in the political paradigm toward one that prioritized modernity, social progress, economic development, and urbanization (Martínez, 2020).

With the arrival of hygienist thinking, the aim was to transform green areas into spaces that symbolized social progress. For this task, the civil engineer Miguel Ángel de Quevedo proved an ideal leader, capable of proposing different strategies to establish green areas from a scientific-technical point of view (Martínez, 2020). Quevedo proposed a hygienist model that associated the expansion and construction of parks in the city with the city's sanitary and aesthetic quality. To achieve this, green areas were modernized in the style of European parks, with electric lighting, columns, statues, kiosks, benches, and natural elements such as trees and gardens.

The Mexican Revolution marked a turning point in Mexico's urban-planning history, fostering a move away from the urban visions of the Porfiriato and a return to cultural roots, valuing the Mexican's connection to the countryside. This era saw an effort to harmonize urban life with rural life, adopting new models of urban planning.

One of the most innovative concepts was that of the "garden city," conceived by Ebenezer Howard. This model sought to combine the best of both worlds: the tranquility and space of the countryside together with the opportunities and services of the city. It was characterized by the integration of ample green areas, residential zones, and spaces for community activities, all interconnected in a way that promoted a healthy and balanced lifestyle (Álvarez, n.a.).

In Mexico, this concept influenced the development of areas such as Condesa and Lomas de Chapultepec in Mexico City. These neighborhoods reflected the garden-city idea through their wide boulevards, public parks, and residences surrounded by gardens. Condesa, in particular, was designed to be an urban oasis, with tree-lined streets, parks such as Parque México, and a structure that encouraged neighborly coexistence and contact with nature. Lomas de Chapultepec, on the other hand, offered a more exclusive setting, with large mansions and streets that followed the natural contour of the land, preserving the original landscape and creating an atmosphere of serenity and distinction.

Both neighborhoods became prominent examples of how post-revolutionary Mexican urbanism tried to reconcile the most appealing aspects of rural life with the advantages of the city, creating settings that were both aesthetically pleasing and functionally complete. These developments represented a significant shift from previous urban trends, marking a new chapter in the history of urban planning in Mexico.

After the Mexican Revolution, the parks, gardens, and plazas of Mexico City became key stages for the strengthening of nationalist discourse.

These public spaces became not only recreational and aesthetic centers, but also educational and cultural platforms. They offered a variety of activities, such as theatrical performances, which played an important role in citizens' civic education.

The works presented contributed to the formation of a national consciousness and to the promotion of civic values. In addition, these spaces were used for health-education campaigns, centered on crucial topics such as personal hygiene, public health, and the prevention of substance abuse, reflecting the growing concern for the population's well-being (Martínez, 2020).

During the twenty-first century, the government of the Federal District, through its Ministry of the Environment, undertook a more structured and systematic effort to manage and develop urban green areas.

One of the most important initiatives was the creation of the first detailed inventories of green areas. These inventories not only provided an exhaustive record of the existing spaces, but also served as a fundamental tool to guide public policies aimed at their improvement and expansion. The goal was not only to increase the quantity of green spaces, but also to improve their quality, accessibility, and sustainability.

This renewed attention to green areas reflects a change in the government's understanding of the importance of public spaces to citizens' well-being and to the city's sustainable development. These initiatives represent a significant step toward creating a greener, more inclusive city, more connected to its natural environment.

The Conception of Public Parks

Public parks have transcended their primary function as mere recreational spaces. They have become witnesses to the history, politics, and social and economic life of the city. Their evolution reflects changes in urban ideologies and policies throughout the city's history—in particular, how the concept of the city has been transformed as time has passed, and the implications this has had for the population that inhabits it.

The philosophies and perspectives surrounding urban planning for parks have evolved over time. Initially, urban parks were seen as spaces that stood in stark contrast to the sprawling urban territory (Martínez, 2020). They offered refuge from the buildings, a place for relaxation and the contemplation of nature. This perspective considers them oases of calm and green areas amid the noise and chaos of city life.

Over time, their role has expanded beyond being simple refuges. They are now seen as crucial for promoting social cohesion and the conservation of biodiversity within the urban space.

Modern urban design rests on principles derived from the Renaissance that found in Neoclassical Architecture and Urbanism the capacity to build rational cities that made their inhabitants happy (Flores, 2019). Parks, therefore, are not considered neutral, inert spaces, but dynamic arenas—a reflection of complex interactions whose meaning is permanently bound to a particular historical, economic, social, and spatial context.

Today, urban parks have taken on a fundamental role in several key areas, such as environmental education, the promotion of social cohesion, the provision of recreation, and the improvement of public health.

These green spaces, considered urban lungs, not only improve air quality but have also become vital community centers. They foster social interaction and strengthen the sense of belonging among residents, contributing to the building of more united and resilient communities. In addition, parks have become important platforms for educational and cultural initiatives, providing spaces for artistic expression and promoting awareness of environmental and heritage issues.

In the context of contemporary urban planning, parks play an essential role in attracting people to cities. Well-designed and well-managed public spaces are key to enabling a variety of activities that enrich urban life.

The current urban model emphasizes the role of public space as a place of encounter and coexistence, fostering a vibrant urban atmosphere through social and recreational activities. This approach seeks to create spaces that are accessible and usable for people of all backgrounds and lifestyles, underscoring the importance of inclusion and diversity in urban design (Flores, 2022).

Looking to the future, Mexico City's public parks have the potential to be even more integrative and sustainable, adapting to the changing needs of an urban population that is constantly growing and diversifying. Their continued development can provide innovative solutions to urban challenges, from stress management to the promotion of healthy lifestyles, establishing a model for cities around the world.

To truly grasp the complexity and dynamism of Mexico City's public parks, it is crucial to consider how these spaces not only reflect but also influence the city's structure and psyche. The understanding of this relationship can be significantly enriched by analyzing the ideas of Henri Lefebvre, set out in his work "The Production of Space." Lefebvre argues that urban space, parks included, must be understood beyond geographic, climatic, or historical determinants, and be seen as a social reality shaped as much by social relations and forms as by natural ones (Martínez, 2020).

Lefebvre proposes a conceptual triad to explain the production of space: spatial practices (perceived space), representations of space (conceived space), and spaces of representation (lived space).

1. Spatial Practices (Perceived Space): This aspect refers to physical space and to spatial routines. For example, in public parks, perceived space would include the walking paths, the children's play areas, and the benches for resting. These physical elements—and how people use them in their daily lives—make up spatial practices.
2. Representations of Space (Conceived Space): This dimension addresses how space is conceptualized and planned. For example, an architect or urban planner might conceive of a park as a means to improve air quality in a neighborhood, or as a space for cultural events. These conceptions influence how the park is designed and structured, from its layout to the selection of plants and equipment.
3. Spaces of Representation (Lived Space): This refers to how individuals experience and give meaning to space based on their own experiences and cultural contexts. For example, for some, a park may be a place of tranquility and connection with nature, while for others it might be a site of social gathering and the celebration of community festivities.

Lefebvre's approach lets us understand parks not only as physically designed places, but also as spaces that are mentally conceived and emotionally experienced. Parks, then, are not merely passive spaces, but active environments that reflect and shape urban life. Their design, use, and meaning are intrinsically tied to the dynamic interaction between physical space, the ideas that inform it, and the experiences of those who inhabit and enjoy it.

Political Reform and Social Policy

A complete analysis of urban space requires considering the significant impact of the authorities in shaping it. Government and citizens interact within a system that defines the transformation and use of urban space. The government exerts influence through reforms and public policies, while citizens contribute through their participation and their responsible use of public goods.

Since 1997, with the establishment of a democratically elected head of government in Mexico City, there has been a visible change in the way the government approaches social policy.

Governments considered to be of the left have emphasized social policies, affecting urban planning and the management of public spaces, parks included. The role of the state has evolved to focus on creating laws and public policies for housing and urban development. However, in its pursuit of urban renewal, the government has adopted neoliberal policies that, although they seek progress, have had the collateral effect of sacrificing the accessibility and quality of public parks, contributing to the worsening of socioeconomic inequalities.

This trend is reflected in the geographic distribution of parks and their correlation with economic factors; parks in more affluent areas tend to be better maintained than those in lower-income zones, revealing a clear disparity in the distribution of the city's green areas. This situation illustrates a marked divide in urban living standards and quality of life among different sectors of the population.

Mexico City faces significant challenges regarding its green areas.

Even though tree cover barely exceeds 30% of its total extent, and the average green area per inhabitant is only 5.4 m²—well below the 9 to 16 m² recommended by the World Health Organization—there is a marked disparity in the distribution and accessibility of these spaces. This inequality disproportionately affects residents according to their socioeconomic status, with the more affluent areas enjoying more numerous and better-maintained parks, while lower-income zones face a notable shortage of accessible green spaces—an essential element of urban quality of life (Flores, 2019).

This situation is reflected in a study by Flores-Xolocotzi (2019), which shows how quality of life related to green spaces varies significantly among different boroughs of Mexico City.

According to that study, residents of boroughs such as Coyoacán, Magdalena Contreras, and Miguel Hidalgo report a higher quality of life compared with Milpa Alta. Conversely, in boroughs such as Iztacalco and Cuauhtémoc, the perceived quality of life is lower.

In addition, a study by Cohen (2013) reveals that parks in high-poverty areas tend to have more graffiti and trash around them, and to be surrounded by buildings in worse condition than in wealthier neighborhoods. This phenomenon can be explained sociologically by regarding parks as a "superior good," whose demand rises in higher-income areas.

In parallel, the economic restructuring of the city—centered on global integration and the growth of the service sector—has generated socio-spatial disparities, income inequalities, and an increase in the informal sector. The neoliberal policies implemented since the 1980s have led to urban fragmentation, segregation, and privatization. The government has facilitated real-estate investment and urban-renewal programs, which has triggered a boom in the property market and processes of gentrification. Despite efforts to focus on social issues and a commitment to the right to the city since 2006, government actions in managing urban space have tended to favor private interests, resulting in a more exclusive city (Núñez, 2020).

Urban revitalization in the city has tended to focus on spaces of consumption aimed at the middle and upper classes, often neglecting essential community spaces such as social housing. Examples of this include the development of luxury commercial and residential areas that replace social-interest neighborhoods, altering the city's urban and social fabric. Moreover, accelerated urbanization has prioritized vehicular infrastructure over green and public spaces, leading to a fragile urban ecosystem where these spaces deteriorate and become disconnected from general urban dynamics. The general lack of satisfaction among park users, due to their small size and lack of infrastructure, maintenance, security, and surveillance, is a reflection of this trend (Núñez, 2020).

Citizen Participation

The role of communities in the development of public parks and in the formulation of related policies is a fundamental aspect that should not be underestimated. It is essential to promote urban-planning processes that are inclusive and democratic, in which the community's effective participation in decision-making is a priority. This citizen participation not only enriches the process of designing and managing parks, but also ensures that these spaces reflect the needs and preferences of local residents.

Communities can often prioritize other basic needs over allocating resources to the maintenance of green areas. Yet it is crucial to recognize that green spaces provide much more than just recreational benefits; they contribute significantly to the health, well-being, and social cohesion of communities. The absence of organized citizen efforts can considerably limit the impact and effectiveness of urban policies (Flores, 2019).

When community organizations do exist, their motivations are not always for the common good. At times, they may be driven mainly by private interests. A clear example of this is the "Not In My Back Yard" (NIMBY) movement, especially notable in cities like San Francisco and London. NIMBYs are groups of local residents who oppose certain developments in their neighborhood—often projects they consider harmful to their quality of life or to the value of their properties. While this activism may seem a defense of their community interests, it often results in preventing developments necessary for the broader well-being of the city, such as affordable housing, facilities for the homeless, or green infrastructure.

This phenomenon is an example of how communities can defend interests that, though beneficial to them in the short term, can be counterproductive for the broader, long-term interests of the city as a whole. In the context of green spaces, this could translate into opposition to new parks or improvements to existing ones if residents believe this might increase the influx of people from outside the neighborhood or somehow change the character of their community. This attitude can lead to an unequal distribution of green spaces and a lack of access for those in less privileged communities, exacerbating urban inequalities.

It is crucial to foster a more equitable and representative approach to park planning. This means ensuring that the processes are inclusive and that the demands of vulnerable social groups in particular are taken into account. According to Flores (2019), citizen participation is a key strategy for addressing complex urban challenges. Parks should be designed with a focus on accessibility and equity, offering opportunities for recreation and leisure to all sectors of society, including those who have historically been marginalized or neglected in urban planning.

In addition, it is important that communities be educated about the intrinsic value of green spaces and how these contribute to improving quality of life in cities. Raising awareness of issues such as environmental sustainability, biodiversity, and benefits to mental and physical health can increase the community's interest in and commitment to preserving and improving public parks. Ultimately, parks should be seen as valuable community assets whose management and care are a shared responsibility between the government and citizens.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Mexico City's public parks—more than simple spaces of recreation—are true microcosms that reflect the socio-historical evolution of one of the largest and most dynamic metropolises in the world. Throughout this essay, we have explored how these spaces have been shaped by, and have in turn shaped, the urban, social, and political reality of the city, from the pre-Hispanic era to the present day.

Parks have evolved from being mere sites of aristocratic leisure to becoming vital centers of environmental education, social cohesion, and public well-being. This evolution reflects a greater understanding and appreciation of the benefits these green spaces offer—not only in terms of beauty and recreation, but also as essential drivers of urban quality of life. However, this transformation has been neither uniform nor free of conflict and inequality. The distribution and quality of parks in Mexico City reveal a clear socioeconomic divide, where the interests of certain groups have prevailed over collective needs, evidencing a constant struggle over the definition of urban space.

The sociological perspective lets us understand these spaces not only in terms of their physical existence, but as dynamic entities that reflect the complexities of urban life. Public parks are stages where diverse narratives intersect: from urban policies and citizen movements to the everyday lives of inhabitants seeking a respite from the asphalt. Analyzing these spaces as lived, perceived, and conceived entities—in Lefebvre's style—offers us a deeper understanding of how public parks have become symbols of the culture, history, and socioeconomic changes of Mexico City.

This work underscores the importance of approaching the development and management of public parks not only as a matter of urban planning, but as an integral facet of the social fabric.

Parks must be understood and valued as fundamental spaces for well-being, inclusion, and sustainability in the city. In the future, the challenge will lie in ensuring that these spaces serve the needs of all citizens equitably, reflecting a city that evolves and adapts without losing sight of equity and social justice.

Emerging citizen participation and inclusive policies present themselves as hopes for a more equitable and sustainable future for urban spaces. Efforts to democratize the planning and maintenance of parks and green areas are crucial to ensuring that all inhabitants of Mexico City, regardless of their socioeconomic status, can enjoy the benefits these offer. This approach will not only improve the quality of green parks, but will also enrich urban life as a whole, strengthening the bond between nature, community, and urban space.

Ultimately, Mexico City's public parks are a microcosm of the city itself: complex, historically rich, and in constant evolution. They are spaces where nature meets culture, where the past intertwines with the present, and where urban challenges can find innovative and sustainable solutions. By understanding and valuing these spaces not only as physical places but as dynamic entities that form an integral part of urban life, we can begin to fully appreciate their importance and work toward their preservation and improvement for future generations.

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